以下為影片內的主張統整：

Here's a summary of the arguments made in the video:

• Importance of University Council Resolutions and Potential Threats

  • The University Act stipulates that resolutions passed by the University Council hold more authority than statements made by the university president.
  • There is a concern that in the future, university presidents might emulate President of the Executive Yuan Lai Ching-te (賴清德)'s refusal to promulgate laws, by rejecting the promulgation of University Council resolutions, thereby challenging the spirit of the University Act and university autonomy.
  • It is predicted that "Taiwan's wildest university president" will emerge, even wilder than "President Lai-er."

• Historical Experience of Resisting Authoritarian University Systems (1990s)

  • Unreasonableness of the Special Rights Relationship for Students:
    • Citing Supreme Court Judgment No. 80 Tai-Shang 2855 of 1991, it was pointed out that at the time, the relationship between schools and students was one of "management and obedience" and a "special rights relationship of teaching and learning," meaning students whose rights were infringed upon could not seek remedies in ordinary courts.
    • For example, if a student was expelled due to a dispute over rights with the university president, according to the judgment at the time, they didn't even have the right to enter a court to seek a remedy, violating the basic principle of a rule-of-law state: "where there is a right, there is a remedy."
  • Absurdity and Protests Against Mandatory Military Training and Nursing Courses:
    • It was criticized that in 1993, university military training and nursing courses were mandatory subjects, and failing them would result in "strict graduation" (inability to graduate), leading to students wasting time, the nation wasting resources, and engaging in "meaningless activities" in the halls of higher education.
    • It was pointed out that the Ministry of Education's mandatory requirement for military training courses was based on outdated political motivations such as "recovering mainland territory," violating the spirit of university autonomy protected by the Constitution.
    • During his tenure as National Taiwan University Student Association President, he initiated the first referendum in the history of National Taiwan University's student autonomy, with the issue being "Should military training and nursing courses be changed to electives?" to implement the ideals of direct democracy.
  • Striving for Student Representation Rights in University Councils:
    • Before the amendment of the University Act in 1993, student representatives in the University Council only had three "attending" seats (meaning they could only listen, not speak, discuss, or vote), lacking substantive participation rights.
    • Through protests (including overnight protests in front of the Legislative Yuan and the National Taiwan University administration building), a successful amendment to the University Act was achieved, changing student representatives' status from "attending as observers" to "attending as participants."
    • Even so, because the law did not guarantee a minimum proportion of student representatives, student rights were still not fully protected.
    • While serving as National Taiwan University Student Association President, when university president Chen Wei-jau (陳維昭) refused to recognize the "attending" status of student representatives, he angrily slammed the table in protest and led students to convene a "National Taiwan University Ad Hoc University Council" outside the campus, forming a confrontation with the university authorities.
  • The Cost of Protest and Ultimate Victory:
    • At the time, he was regarded by most teachers as "unstudious, unserious," not like a law student, and even labeled a "professional student" or "bad student" infiltrated by opposition forces, almost leading to expulsion.
    • On the eve of university graduation, in May 1995, Grand Justices' Constitutional Interpretation No. 380 ruled that the Ministry of Education's mandatory common curriculum was unconstitutional, and in June of the same year, Constitutional Interpretation No. 382 overturned the "special rights relationship" theory, allowing students to seek remedies in court for disciplinary actions such as expulsion, thereby proving the legitimacy and correctness of the protests at that time.
    • He emphasized that creating institutional change through action is not only meaningful and fulfilling for one's personal life but also allows the next generation to live more like "human beings," pursuing their own life goals and ideals.

• Concerns and Appeals Regarding the Current Political Environment in Taiwan

  • Serious Regression of Freedom of Speech:
    • It was pointed out that there is a widespread phenomenon in Taiwan society of "daring not to speak" and "fearing being labeled," citing the example of "the judge who acquitted Kao Hung-an (高虹安) being attacked online."
    • The ruling party was criticized for severely depriving people of their freedom of speech and expression by using online armies (such as the "Bluebird" online army) to spam forums and label people as "CCP fellow travelers."
    • It is believed that this oppression leads to people "self-censoring their speech," which is the most terrifying situation all freedom of speech textbooks seek to prevent.
    • It was urged that in the face of this situation, people should "muster the courage to confront it," "say what needs to be said, and do what needs to be done."
  • Parliamentary Gridlock and Political Responsibility:
    • Responding to external doubts about a "no-confidence vote," it was pointed out that even if a no-confidence motion is proposed, the President of the Executive Yuan steps down, the Legislative Yuan is dissolved, and new elections are held, if the blue-white coalition still holds a majority, it would merely replace the President of the Executive Yuan to continue executing President Lai Ching-te's will, failing to solve the fundamental problem.
    • It was emphasized that the re-election process would leave Taiwan society "exhausted," and the people would be unable to bear multiple elections within a single year.
    • It was proposed that if President Lai Ching-te has the courage, he should allow "all" Presidential and Legislator positions to be re-elected, accepting the people's scrutiny and judgment to resolve the political gridlock once and for all.
    • The Taiwan People's Party, TPP, stated they are not afraid of re-election, but questioned whether Lai Ching-te has the "guts" to do so, fearing he would not be able to secure re-election in 2028.
    • It was called for, regardless of who wins or loses, that they should promise the people to "do their jobs properly and stop causing trouble."